Tag: Judiciary

  • Nigeria: Saving Judicial Appointments from Corruption

    Nigeria: Saving Judicial Appointments from Corruption

     

     

    *By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu

    For nearly five years, Abia State has been the site of a bewildering contest over the corruption crisis that now bedevils Nigeria’s judicial appointment process. Essentially, the appointment of judges in Nigeria has become something akin to a life-and-death contest, not for or on behalf of those seeking justice from the courts, but for people who see judicial appointments as a meal ticket for life or as leverage in the dark arts of Nigeria’s rentier theatre.

    Those who control the process now seem very much to use it only to benefit their families and networks; those on the outside of this circle feel entitled to the good life that they believe judges now seem to get. The contest between these two camps is increasingly embittered and publicly so. In Abia State, this contest has been raging for nearly five years. In the past fortnight, the Court of Appeal has weighed in.

    The facts are both simple and complicated.

    With the consent of the National Judicial Council (NJC) in 2021, the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) of Abia State initiated a process leading to the appointment of new judges. As required by the constitution, the JSC was to conduct initial sifting of the applicants with a view to presenting a long-list to the NJC who were to undertake final interviews and selection in Abuja.

    Before the completion of the process at the state level, however, the advocacy group, Access to Justice, lodged a petition with evidence showing that it “was marred by corruption”. Indeed, “a Chief Magistrate slumped and died over reports that her name was not included in the final list of candidates submitted to the NJC after she had borrowed funds to pay bribes for that purpose.” In response, the JSC was forced to abort the 2021 judicial recruitment process in Abia State.

    The following year, in 2022, the Commission reopened the process and once again invited interested persons to apply for judicial vacancies in the High Court of Abia State. This time, the Abia State JSC concluded the process at the State level and forwarded names to the NJC for the final screening. The State Security Service screened the candidates and, on 17th October 2022, the NJC reportedly interviewed them.

    Thereafter, however, some persons who had applied in the cancelled 2021 process initiated legal proceedings, effectively asserting a right of first refusal to the judicial vacancies the subject of the 2022 recruitment. Access to Justice also intervened, alleging that the list of candidates sent to the NJC “included person(s), who have falsified their ages, as well as those implicated in financial malpractices during the time they held certain positions.” The group also claimed that during the selection exercise, “no tests or examinations were conducted for the candidates before they were shortlisted.”

    The NJC never completed the process.

    By May 2023, when a new administration came into office in Abia State, the burden of work created by the deepening crisis of judicial vacancies in the state was intolerable. To address this, the Abia State JSC returned to the NJC to obtain fresh authorization for the recruitment of 10 new judges but this triggered a fresh avalanche of litigation.

    In January 2024, the Attorney-General of Abia State initiated proceedings before the NICN asking the court to decide whether the state government could proceed with a fresh round of judicial recruitment. Joined in the suit were two aggrieved candidates from the previous processes, Eusebius Agwulonu and Ijeoma Oluchi, as well as the State JSC and the NJC.

    In its judgment, the NICN established that under Nigeria’s constitution, the Federal High Court did not have powers to decide upon employment matters of this sort. It also upheld the constitutional duty of the relevant institutions of the Government of Abia State and the NJC to conduct fresh judicial recruitment in the 2024 process.

    Very importantly, the court held that where a process of judicial recruitment is tainted by “corruption and impropriety” such as in this case, that would warrant a cancellation of the process and the “commencement of a fresh exercise.” The court, therefore, granted the state government permission to proceed with the fresh judicial recruitment.

    Separately, however, Uzoamaka Ikonne and Victoria Nwokeukwu, two ostensibly aggrieved candidates from the inconclusive round of judicial hires in 2022, had equally approached the Federal High Court to restrain the state government from recruiting any more judges until the completion of the stalled 2022 process. Nine months after the decision of the NICN, in April 2025, the Federal High Court issued an order suspending the process pending the determination of the case.

    From the judgment of the NICN, Eusebius Agwulonu and Ijeoma Oluchi eventually sought permission to proceed to the Court of Appeal. On 4 February 2026, the Court of Appeal ruled denying their application for permission to appeal. In reaching its decision, the Court of Appeal upheld the duty of the State to cancel a process of judicial recruitment tainted “with any form of corruption or illegalities in any procedure.”

    The court took a very dim view of the conduct of the aggrieved candidates from previous processes of judicial recruitment in Abia State and accused them of wilfully and deliberately seeking to “stall any…. future judicial appointment exercise, thereby holding the process ad infinitum in perpetual abeyance without lawful justification.”

    Unlike the NICN, which did not award any costs, the Court of Appeal awarded costs of three million Naira against the candidates, after making the quite weighty finding that they had “lied on oath” in their filings, effectively killing any aspirations they had for judicial office.

    It is a thing of utmost regret that judicial appointments in Nigeria these days are now beset with the kinds of allegations that have brought the tortured tale of frustration which has cost Abia State the better part of five years to resolve. This is not to mention the untold hardship this situation must have inflicted on the serving judges who have had to deal with an unmanageable toll of judicial dockets caused by rising judicial attrition.

    Those who have responsibility for judicial recruitment would do well to pay heed. It is the only way to ensure that judicial appointments are saved from the mire of corruption into which they have fallen. It will also preclude a test for an observation contained in the ruling of the Court of Appeal in this case. With neither provocation nor foundation in its judgment, the Court of Appeal claimed that “employment or appointment of judicial officers are (sic) not justiciable.” The court felt no need to follow up this observation with any explanation, justification or authority.

    With this sentence, the court claims that it is not possible to undertake lawful proceedings in court to challenge judicial appointments. It said this in a decision in which it also affirmed a duty on the part of relevant authorities to set aside any process of judicial appointment that is tainted with corruption.

    But it is not at all difficult to see how a corrupt or corrupted process of judicial appointment can claim impunity under this observation to afflict the judicial system with crooked judges from a crooked process. Unquestionably, we have not heard the last of this issue.

    In the interim, the Court of Appeal granted the JSC in Abia State permission to proceed to completion with a fresh round of judicial hires for the 10 vacancies in respect of which it has received the sanction of the NJC. Hopefully, the JSC will learn from the previous experience and undertake the process with transparent standards that alone can eschew a repeat of the scandal of corruption which destroyed the previous processes.

    *A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu*

  • On Whose Mandate Do Judges Stand?*

    On Whose Mandate Do Judges Stand?*

     

    *By Chidi Anselm Odinkalu*

    *“I had discovered since my appointment as a High Court judge that most of the politicians in Nigeria and, indeed, in other developing countries only pay lip-service to the independence of the judiciary…. It pays in the end for a judge, even at the risk of being a snob or of haughtiness, to be somewhat aloof, not only from members of the Executive, but also from political power-brokers.”*

    **Atanda Fatayi Williams, Faces, Cases and Places, pp. 77-78 (1983)*

    Atanda Fatayi Williams, the fourth Chief Justice of post-colonial Nigeria (CJN), has not always received the kind of credit that he probably should for a judicial career of impact. Few judicial careers in Nigerian history can compete with that of this grandson of an Ijebu merchant in terms of both legacy and luminosity.

    Sworn in as a judge a mere seven days after independence on 7 October 1960, Justice Fatayi Williams was the first person to be appointed a judge in post-independence Nigeria. 19 years later, he became Nigeria’s first Chief Justice of the presidential era. In this capacity, he was the first CJN to truly feel the pulse of the elected president as both head of state and head of government.

    It was his good fortune that the president during his tenure as CJN was the emollient Alhaji Shehu Shagari, but he saw enough to leave him a sceptic about judicial dalliance with politicians. “In Nigeria”, he warned in his memoirs, “familiarity does not breed contempt. It breeds obligation…. people with whom you are friendly expect you to bend the rules to suit their requirements.”

    As CJN, Fatayi Williams pioneered the All Nigeria Judges Conference in Ilorin, the capital of Kwara State, on 8 March 1982. That was one year after the current CJN became a lawyer. Shehu Shagari, then the president, travelled to Ilorin to address the conference. His presence and delivery bore the hallmarks of the polished modesty that defined Shagari’s long public service career.

    The conference has grown since then to become a biennial tradition of the bench of Nigeria’s Superior Courts of Record. For many judges, the opportunity to mix, introspect, and learn together with colleagues from across the country, both serving and retired, is the high point of every judicial biennium.
    The conference is also an opportunity for judges as a collective to diagnose common problems that afflict the judicial branch, think together, and communicate with the other branches of government on policy matters adjacent or relevant to the judiciary.

    For the past decade and a half, the conference has acquired a permanent home on the premises of the National Judicial Institute (NJI) in Abuja. This year’s conference began on 17 November at the same venue. The Administrator of the NJI, Babatunde Adejumo, himself a former President of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria, ran the floor under the direction of the Chair of the Institute who is also the CJN.

    As befits a conference with the president of Nigeria in attendance, the opening of the conference was supposed to be brisk. The Administrator of the NJI had to be persuaded from lingering on the microphone with prolix protocol. Thereafter, it was the turn of the CJN.

    Her delivery made a case that appeared both respectable and heartfelt, inviting her colleagues to defend and deepen democracy in Nigeria “by ensuring that justice is not only done but manifestly seen to be done in every courtroom, across every jurisdiction, and in every case.” With deftness, she acknowledged widespread notions that judicial decisions in Nigeria are “sometimes vulnerable to external influences”, a euphemism for perceptions of both corruption and capture of the judiciary, and admitted “with candour that there are some within our ranks who have undermined the integrity of the Bench.” She hoped that “this must change” but stopped short of saying how or when.

    The CJN ended her address by inviting President Bola Tinubu to address the judges and declare the conference open. As she unfurled this introduction and transition, the judges gathered in the Andrews Otutu Obaseki Auditorium of the NJI stood in unison both to applaud the delivery of the CJN and, presumably, as a mark of courtesy to their presidential patron.

    In unison, the military band from the presidential Guards Brigade broke into an instrumental rendition of “On Your Madate We Shall Stand”, the president’s personal fealty anthem. When the president was done with the delivery of his 1,314-word-long address, the same band again played the same accompaniment as the judges stood to applaud his transition from the presidential podium back to his seat.

    So, not once but twice in a period of less than 15 minutes, the presidential band played this partisan political rendition. From any other president, this may have been a mistake, but this president is no political eunuch. If the first was an error, the second surely was comfort. Whatever the intention or design was, this guaranteed that no one would remember anything of what President Tinubu said. The only memory of his showing at this All Nigeria Judges Conference is that he sought to wheedle the judges with an instrumental symbolism of personal fealty.

    For a conference with the timely theme of “Building a Confident Judiciary”, President Tinubu could hardly have done worse in undermining public confidence in the judges. To their credit, many of the judges inside the conference auditorium were schtum at the rendition(s). Unmistakably, however, there were people within the hall who also sang along.

    President Tinubu’s own television station, TVC, later offered the spectacular apologia that the singing was done by “the people who came with the president…. The president’s staff, they were at the back”, adding: “if those ones were singing, can anyone question them for singing? This is a song they have been singing since they were in Lagos.” They claimed that President Obasanjo had such a song too. That was absurd.

    To convince their audience of presumed presidential proselytes, they hyperventilated to the claim that the same tune had been played the previous week when the president opened the conference of the Guild of Editors. In their estimation, a gathering of Nigeria’s most senior judges is worth no more than the currency of a conference of the Guild of Editors.

    One judicial participant at the event went further, privately dissimulating that there was no such rendition and that any sound other than the National Anthem associated with their gathering was a deep fake from Artificial Intelligence!

    The leadership of the judiciary appeared ambivalent. When they eventually responded, over 48 hours later, it was through a statement with mangled syntax signed by a middling officer described as the “Head, Information, Media and Public Relations” at the NJI. The only thing notable about this statement was what was missing on its face: no judicial principal was courageous enough to own the debacle. Its content was entirely forgettable.

    In its text, the statement dutifully dismissed the optics as unfounded, exculpated all conferees from suggestions of partisan political animus, and righteously denounced “any attempt to distort the solemnity of the event”, without offering evidence or process. Instead, they trained ostentatious indignation at people to whom they owed both contrition and apology.

    The authors of this statement apparently didn’t know that the horse of the distortion of the solemnity of the event had long bolted. The president accomplished that with hubris to spare.

    It does considerable injustice to the current generation of judges in Nigeria to suggest, as that statement does, that they are incapable of running with efficiency and without partisan incident a conference in existence for over four decades. Its attempt to outsource responsibility for an incident that should never have occurred is beneath the dignity of judicial office. A confident judiciary should learn from this and promise itself that it shall never happen again.

    Alexander Hamilton may have called the judiciary “the least dangerous” branch, having “neither force nor will but merely judgment”, but in taking his personal fealty anthem to the floor of the judges’ conference, President Tinubu sought to relocate the source of the judicial function from its constitutional foundation to personal loyalty to him. The question he raised is simple: On whose mandate do judges stand? The judges cannot duck the issue posed by the president’s symbolic choice of battleground.

    *A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu*

  • NCAA, judiciary partner on deepening knowledge of laws on aviation contracts

    NCAA, judiciary partner on deepening knowledge of laws on aviation contracts

    (Judges of the Federal High Court in Abuja; Justices Binta Nyako, Joyce Abdulmalik, James Omotosho, and other officials of Nigeria Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA), Aviation Working Group (AWG) and students of the University of Lagos and University of Benin shortly after the event yesterday in Abuja.)

     

    The Nigeria Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) and the judiciary have partnered to deepen the understanding of laws governing contractual dealings in the nation’s aviation sector.

    This was made known at the grand finale of the International Cape Town Convention (CTC) Moot Court held at the Federal High Court in Abuja on Wednesday evening under the auspices of the CTC Academic Project.

    The Director-General of NCAA, Captain Chris Najomo, called for more support from the judiciary in efforts to promote the knowledge of the laws, particularly in the aspect of the Cape Town Convention (CTC).

    (From left: Justice Binta Nyako of the Federal High Court in Abuja; Osauyi Agbonwaneten, law student from University of Benin, and Mr Jeffrey Wool, Secretary General, Aviation Working Group and Co-director of the CTC Academic Project in Abuja on Wednesday evening.)

     

    The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the CTC comprises of the Cape Town Convention on International Interests in Mobile Equipment 2001 and the Protocol to the Convention on Matters Specific Aircraft Equipment.

    The DG, represented by the Director, Operations, Licensing and Training, Captain Donald Spiff, said the CTC “has actually put Nigeria in a better perspective to aircraft lessors and general aviation business in Nigeria.”

    Najomo said the purpose of the programme was to familiarise students, academics and judges with the CTC in the context of complex hypothetical fact patterns.

    He said it was also to provide students with educational exercises involving these instruments (CTC) in a simulated judicial setting.

    He observed that before now, most airline manufacturing or leasing companies did not want to conduct business in Nigeria, adding that with the CTC, assurances had been given.

    “Through the efforts of the Honourable Minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Mr Festus Keyamo, SAN, we are now in the good books of these organisations.

    “And this is an enlightenment programme to tell the world that we have arrived and we are ready to do business,” he said.

    He hailed the performance of the students, who participated in the programme and commended them for their display of brilliance and commitment.

    Najomo said the students’ performance showed the country’s capacity in every sector.

    The Secretary General of the Aviation Working Group (AWG) and Co-director of the CTC Academic Project, Jeffrey Wool, said he was thrilled by the first Nigerian international CTC moot court.

    Wool said the CTC is a very important international treaty, ratified by Nigeria.

    He said the moot court “is a way to introduce students and the legal system to this all-important treaty” and further familiarise the court with the provisions of the treaty.

    He said the CTC is very important economically to the country, and noted that the Federal High Court recently put in place a practice direction on how to address CTC related cases.

    The event, which was organised inside Court 3, featured the simulation of a real court experience, involving two opposing legal teams made up of law students drawn from the University of Benin and the University of Lagos.

    The moot court was held under the supervision of a three-member panel of judges of the Federal High Court in Abuja, including Justices Binta Nyako (who presided), Joyce Abdulmalik and James Omotosho.

    Osauyi Agbonwaneten, the lead counsel in the University of Benin’s team, came first in the area of advocacy, while Michael Adedayo, the lead counsel in the University of Lagos’ team, came second.

    Falodun Daniel of the University of Lagos came third, while Bawi Testimony came fourth.

    The Nigerian moot court competition saw 18 universities, drawn from all the nation’s six-geopolitical zones, participating in the preliminary round.

    The University of Benin and University of Lagos, which competed at the final held on Wednesday, emerged as the two overall best from the preliminary round.

    The event was organised by the Federal Ministry of Aviation and Aerospace Development, the NCAA, with support from the AWG.

  • ARE NIGERIAN COURTS STILL THE TEMPLES OF JUSTICE, THE LAST HOPE OF THE COMMON MAN?

    ARE NIGERIAN COURTS STILL THE TEMPLES OF JUSTICE, THE LAST HOPE OF THE COMMON MAN?

     

    By Sylvester Udemezue

    RE: *“We Can’t Sit Aloof” — Rep Clement Jimbo Urges Parliament To Caution Judiciary Against Ambiguous Judgements”.*

    According to TheNigeriaLawyer report of 23 July 2025, during plenary on that same date, Hon. Clement Jimbo, a member of the House of Representatives under the platform of the All Progressives Congress (APC), moved a motion on personal explanation expressing deep concern over the increasing trend of ambiguous court judgments.

    He lamented that such rulings (often open to multiple interpretations) have begun to sow confusion and intensify political tensions. Consequently, he called on National Assembly to caution the judiciary, advocating for court decisions to be written in plain, unambiguous language that allows for only one clear interpretation. In response, Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu acknowledged the concern and directed that it be entered into the official record.

    I was not surprised by Hon. Jimbo’s observation. His concern echoes the sentiments of many Nigerians who have become increasingly worried about the trajectory of our judiciary, especially in terms of timely, impartial and effective justice delivery. Several recent examples illustrate this disturbing trend:

    1. *The PDP Secretariat Dispute:* The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had submitted a dispute regarding its secretariat to the courts. Rather than offering a definitive and authoritative resolution, the court turned the matter back to the PDP itself, effectively evading its judicial responsibility and further deepening the party’s crisis.

    2. *The Labour Party (LP) Leadership Crisis:* This is among the cases that highlight the judicial ambiguity and indecision that Rep. Clement Jimbo condemned. The leadership tussle between Julius Abure and Lamidi Papa and later (currently) between the Julius Abure faction and the Senator Nenadi Usman faction, have been marked by conflicting court rulings and a lack of firm judicial resolution, resulting in parallel claims, confusion, and diminished public trust. Rather than issuing clear and authoritative judgments, the courts often delivered vague or procedural rulings, appearing timid or hesitant, possibly out of fear of political consequences.

    This failure to assert judicial authority has fueled political instability and weakened democratic institutions. Rep. Jimbo’s call for the judiciary to return to clarity, consistency, and courage in its decisions is especially urgent in cases involving internal party crises with national implications. The LP saga exemplifies how judicial inaction or ambiguity can threaten the rule of law and democratic order. The judiciary must act with urgency and firmness to re-establish itself as the true last hope of the common man.

    3. *Senator Natasha’s Suspension Case:* When Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan approached the court to challenge her six-month suspension from the Senate, the court, instead of acting as the authoritative interpreter of the law, appeared to adopt the role of a legal adviser, practically pleading with the Senate to reinstate her. This raises the question: what happened to the age-old legal maxim ubi jus, ibi remedium (where there is a right, there is a remedy)? Has the judiciary become subservient to political actors, or is this a symptom of fear or sheer cluelessness? Where is the assertiveness and independence for which the courts are known and respected?

    4. *Rivers State State-of-Emergency Dispute:* On 18 March 2025, a state of emergency was declared in Rivers State. Subsequently, on 9 April 2025, eleven PDP governors approached the Supreme Court to challenge the declaration (see: *“11 PDP Governors Urge S’Court to Halt Rivers Emergency Rule”;* Punch, 9 April 2025). As at today, 23 July 2025, the Supreme Court had yet to fix a hearing date let alone hear the case, at least to determine it one way or another. Meanwhile, related suits filed at the Federal High Court were on 21 July 2025 adjourned to 13 October 2025 (see: Daily Trust of 21 July 2025), by which date the six-month emergency rule (set to expire on 18 September 2025) would have ended. And at that point, the legal challenge would have become purely academic. What, then, is the purpose of initiating such cases in March and April 2025 if the courts would delay hearings until after the substance of the matter has become moot?

    5. *Where Is the Sense of Seriousness In Justice Delivery In Nigeria?* Why should cases of urgent national importance linger on court dockets for more than 30 to 40 days? In my humble opinion, any judge or justice who allows such cases to remain unresolved beyond that timeframe ought to be suspended or have their remuneration withheld for contributing to the inefficiency of our justice system. For comparison, over 50 lawsuits filed in the United States against Donald Trump’s policies following the start of his second presidential term on 20 January 2025 were all determined within days, or, at most, a few weeks. Even appeals did not last more than one month. Yet, here in Nigeria, our courts are holding onto similarly important cases for months without action. What a tragedy!

    6. *The Point Must Be Emphasised:* I am not suggesting how the courts should rule on these cases. That is entirely their constitutional prerogative. My point is that such high-profile, time-sensitive matters (especially those touching on national stability and constitutionalism) deserve to be heard and determined expeditiously. Delays erode public confidence, mock the very notion of justice, devalue the legal system and destroy the foundations of constructional democracy and the rule of law.

    7. *Who Then Is the Common Man’s Last Hope?* If our courts can no longer act as decisive arbiters (interpreting and applying the law authoritatively and fearlessly and expeditiously too) what hope remains for the common Nigerian? Are the masses now entirely at the mercy of political elites, many of whom have little regard for the welfare of the people? To whom shall the ordinary citizen turn if the judiciary is caged, clueless, helpless, or compromised?

    7. *On Judicial Welfare vs Performance:* Members of the Bench and stakeholders in the legal profession recently demanded a 200% increase in the salaries and allowances of all judicial officers. In response, the government and elected representatives of the people generously granted them a 300% increment. However, what have Nigerians received in return? Slower justice delivery. Deepening public despair. Growing judicial dependence. Rampant political interference. Disappointing outcomes. Judgment susceptible to varying interpretations! Utter confusion!

    9. *A Reflection from My Earlier Work:* I recall the introductory paragraph of the “Abstract” to one of my published papers:

    _“After centuries of informal methods of dispute resolution in Nigeria, the judiciary as the third arm of government became the formal institution for settling disputes with the advent of colonial rule. This led to high public expectations that the courts would always dispense justice with utmost effectiveness and swiftness; the court is thus seen as the temple of justice, the last hope of the common man. Ironically, the system of justice delivery in Nigeria is abysmally slow [and ineffective], leading to widespread public disenchantment and loss of confidence, which in turn leaves many citizens looking elsewhere for ‘justice’. The result is that lawlessness and self-help are fast overwhelming respect for rule of law and due process—a predictable consequence, as naturally, loss of confidence in the justice sector is a recipe for anarchy.”_ [See: Sylvester C. Udemezue, *“Snail-Paced Justice Dispensation In Nigerian Courts: Factors and Actors”,* in U.D. Ikoni, T.F. Yerima, and P.H. Faga (eds), Judicial Autonomy, Administration of Justice and Contemporary Trends in Development of Legal Profession in Nigeria: Essays in Honour of His Lordship – Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=4314970 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4314970]

    10. I weep for the Nigerian judiciary. I weep for our beloved country. I weep for all of us: one-kain people navigating one-kain realities.

    (Respectfully,
    Sylvester Udemezue (Udems)
    Proctor, The Reality Ministry of Truth, Law and Justice (TRM).
    Tel: 08021365545.
    Email: mails@therealityministry.ngo, udems@therealityministry.ngo.
    Web: www.therealityministry.ngo.)