By Sylvester Udemezue
(1). *Background: The build-up to the 2027 general elections appears, regrettably, to be assuming a troubling and potentially dangerous dimension.
Earlier today, while briefly browsing Facebook, I encountered a page where numerous commentators, many of them apparently from the South-East, were directing harsh abuses, curses, and insults at Mr. Obinna Iyiegbu (popularly known as Obi Cubana) and Mr. Pascal Chibuike Okechukwu (widely known as Cubana Chief Priest).
Their “offence,” according to the critics (as seen in their comments), is their acceptance of roles in coordinating a pro-Tinubu support platform identified as the CityBoy Movement.
The allegation being circulated is that both men have “betrayed” their people by offering support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s potential re-election in 2027 rather than aligning with Mr. Peter Obi, who is widely perceived as a leading political figure from their own tribe or region.
In a related development, I also came across a video in which Mr. Isaac Fayose, a businessman from the South-West, made sweeping and deeply unfortunate generalisations about the Igbo people, alleging that they were “too cheap to buy” and suggesting that the two businessmen had been “easily purchased” to work against “their own brother.”
Let me state clearly and without equivocation: this commentary is neither an advocacy piece nor a campaign document for any Presidential aspirant. Its sole purpose is to sound a cautionary note about a growing pattern of political intolerance and ethnic absolutism which, if left unchecked, could prove profoundly harmful to Nigeria’s fragile democratic culture.
(2). *A Brief Reflection On the 2023 Experience*
Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election offered instructive examples of cross-ethnic political cooperation: examples we must not now forget:
1. The late Pa Ayo Adebanjo, the revered leader of Afenifere, a foremost Yoruba sociocultural organisation, openly and unapologetically supported Peter Obi’s presidential candidacy. He did so not as an Igbo man, but as a Yoruba elder statesman acting on conviction.
2. Former President Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, another prominent Yoruba leader and one of Nigeria’s most consequential political figures, publicly endorsed Peter Obi and called on Nigerians to rally behind him.
3. Mr. Dele Farotimi played a visible intellectual and advocacy role within the Obi movement, articulating its message with energy and commitment.
4. Ms. Aisha Yesufu, an activist of Edo origin, was one of the most recognisable national voices campaigning for Obi.
5. Mr. Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour of Lagos, along with tens of thousands of other Nigerians from diverse ethnic backgrounds, also aligned themselves with the Obi candidacy.
6. The late Chief Edwin Clark, an Ijaw leader of immense stature and a central voice in the Niger Delta, was likewise a frontline supporter of Peter Obi.
7. Dr. Yunusa Tanko a northerner, served prominently as a spokesperson/Director within the Peter Obi Presidential campaign structure in 2023.
8. Senator Datti Baba-Ahmed of Kaduna State, who became Peter Obi’s running mate, and countless other Nigerians from the North, South-South, South-West, and Middle Belt (Hausa, Yoruba, Ijaw, Tiv, Idoma, Efik, Ibibio, and many others) publicly campaigned for, voted for, and identified with the Obi presidential project in 2023. Their participation was widely understood as an exercise of democratic conviction rather than an abandonment of cultural identity.
These individuals were not Igbo. They were Nigerians exercising democratic choice. Yet, at no time did we witness widespread accusations that these figures had “betrayed” their ethnic nationalities. No one declared that Pa Adebanjo had betrayed the Yoruba. No one accused Chief Edwin Clark of betraying the Ijaw nation. No one denounced Aisha Yesufu as a traitor to Edo people. No one suggested that Dele Farotimi had abandoned his heritage. Instead, their actions were generally understood within the proper framework of democratic participation: citizens supporting candidates based on conviction rather than ethnicity. Indeed, electoral outcomes themselves demonstrated this national character. Peter Obi recorded victories in multiple states beyond the South-East, including Lagos and the Federal Capital Territory. These were not labelled acts of betrayal by the non-Igbo populations who voted for him. They were recognised, rightly, as expressions of political preference.
(3). *The Emerging Danger*
It is therefore deeply concerning that the mere participation of two Igbo figures in a political support structure associated with another candidate is now being framed by some as ethnic treachery. Such reasoning is not only misguided; it is fundamentally incompatible with constitutional democracy. Nigeria is not a confederation of ethnic voting blocs. It is a republic of citizens. The right to support, oppose, campaign for, donate to, or vote for any candidate is a civic right guaranteed to every Nigerian, irrespective of tribe, religion, or language. To suggest that a Nigerian must politically align only with someone of the same ethnic origin is to advance a doctrine alien to democracy and dangerously close to sectarian nationalism. If normalised, such thinking would:
1. Reduce elections to ethnic censuses rather than contests of ideas.
2. Criminalise independent political judgment.
3. Deepen suspicion among Nigeria’s diverse communities.
4. Ultimately weaken national cohesion.
Democracy thrives on freedom of association and freedom of political choice. Once citizens begin to police one another’s choices through ethnic intimidation or moral condemnation, democracy itself is placed at risk.
(4). *A Call for Sobriety And Maturity*
This is therefore a moment for reflection, not recrimination. Every Nigerian (Igbo, Yoruba, Hausa, Ijaw, Tiv, Efik, Kanuri, Edo, Urhobo, or from any other background) remains legally, morally, and constitutionally entitled to support any candidate in 2027 or in any future election. Political disagreement is normal. Robust debate is healthy. But ethnic vilification is corrosive. We must resist the temptation to interpret political alignment through the narrow lens of identity. Nations are not built that way; they fracture that way. Let us remember that democracy does not demand uniformity. It demands tolerance.
(5). *Conclusion*
Nigeria’s strength has always lain in the ability of its citizens (across divides) to make independent choices, form alliances, and disagree without dehumanising one another. The lesson of 2023 should be one of pluralism, not polarization. As we approach 2027, it is imperative that we reject narratives that seek to chain political conscience to ethnic expectation. A Nigerian’s support for any candidate is not an act of betrayal; it is an exercise of citizenship. If we must contest, let us contest with ideas. If we must persuade, let us persuade with arguments. But let us never weaponise identity against one another. Nigeria deserves better, and we are all responsible for ensuring that it gets it.
(Respectfully,
Sylvester Udemezue (Udems).
Proctor, The Reality Ministry of Truth Law and Justice (TRM).
08021365545.
udems@therealityministry.ngo,
udemsbackup@gmail.com
(01 March 2026))










